A Honduran court has unilaterally dropped all charges against former President Juan Orlando Hernandez (JOH), who received a full pardon from President Donald Trump last year after being ensnared in a conspiracy by the Biden-era deep state coercing testimony from narcotraffickers who JOH had been responsible for incarcerating.

The now-deposed communist government slapped charges of fraud and money laundering on Hernandez as part of the comprehensive effort to railroad him and destroy his reputation.

“This chapter of political persecution has now ended,” Hernandez said after the charges were dismissed. “Those who orchestrated this operation not only wanted to see me banished from Honduras forever, never to return, but they were determined to leave my family on the street.”

It is now an undeniable fact that President Trump’s pardon of JOH changed the course of Latin American history.

JOH was extradited to the U.S. due to an extradition treaty that he personally approved to help fight crime in the region. JOH was triumphed in bipartisan fashion as a hard-nosed reformer and ally of American interests, but that changed after he emerged as a top President Trump ally in the fight to repel migrants flooding across the U.S. southern border.

After he left office in 2022, the incoming far-left LIBRE Party regime of Xiomara Castro colluded with the Biden administration to get JOH removed. They worked together to get their pound of flesh in the retaliatory efforts against all those who helped the Trump administration achieve their successes.

Former Vice President Kamala Harris strutted around with Castro amidst her inauguration. They intended to usher in the liberal future of Honduras with the country’s first female president at the helm. But unfortunately for the Biden/Harris regime, Castro proved to be stunningly corrupt and incompetent.

Whereas the criminal case against JOH relied mostly on dubious second-and-third hand accounts, Castro’s own family was caught on video negotiating bribes with drug dealers to fund LIBRE Party operations. For some reason, the Biden administration looked the other way regarding Castro white doing everything in its power to engineer a guilty verdict against JOH.

When the show trial against JOH was ultimately successful, it appeared to shut the door on any hope for freedom in Honduras. The communist government had all the momentum, the National Party base was demoralized, and far-left communists had successfully infiltrated the Liberal Party of Honduras to effectively rig the system.

Enter President Donald J. Trump at the 11th Hour. He changed the game less than week before the election, issuing a full-throated endorsement of the National Party’s presidential candidate Tito Asfura. He also called out the communist collusion between Asfura’s competitors, Roxi Moncada of the LIBRE Party and Liberal Party’s effeminate botox-cheeked Salvador Nasrallah donning his infamous plaster-cast hair piece.

This began to change the dynamics of the race as more Hondurans were once again considering the National Party, but it would be the JOH bump that would tip the scales toward victory. When President Trump shocked the world and announced he would be pardoning JOH, it showed every disaffected Honduran patriot that their voice mattered.

When JOH was hauled off from his home in front of the cameras by an army of police officers, it was a garish display meant to subjugate every Honduran who cared about law and order and conservative values. It was a forceful demonstration that their voice no longer mattered, and they were doomed to watch their country morph into Venezuela before their very eyes.

President Trump inspired the decent people of Honduras. When hundreds of TikTok videos were produced of entire villages celebrating and holding raucous spontaneous celebrations in response to the news, it became obvious that what we were being told about JOH was far from the truth. This was a man celebrated as a hero by his people, not a pariah or an outcast.

When JOH finally made his valiant return to Honduras, he received a welcome like few would have imagined. Tens of thousands rallied to demonstrate their national pride and celebrate the restoration of their sovereignty. With the dismissal of his charges, doubt no longer lingers regarding JOH’s innocence. His record is now fully cleared, and the dawn of the Honduran people has come.

The JOH saga is far from over. Democrats have vowed to get revenge after being humiliated and besmirched by the JOH pardon. If they gain political power in the midterms, they boast that they will come after myself and others who advocated for the freeing of JOH, spinning a conspiracy out of whole cloth. Despite the exhaustive amount of proof indicating that JOH was framed, they will abuse the levers of power to give the opposite impression.

But in the eyes of the Honduran people, there is not a shadow of a doubt regarding JOH’s innocence. The specter hanging over JOH and his family has been removed. They can live in peace now. And Honduras is set to become a foundational cornerstone of the Donroe Doctrine that is eradicating leftism in the Western Hemisphere. That is the legacy of the JOH pardon, and it is indeed a beautiful one.

Every September the country tells the devastating story of 9/11 again. Nineteen hijackers. Four planes. Dots that never got connected. Somewhere in the second chapter is Anwar al-Awlaki, the New Mexico–born imam who preached in San Diego and Falls Church, later became al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s English-language voice, and was killed by a CIA drone in Yemen on September 30, 2011. In that version he is a man who turned after the attacks and was understood too late.

The paper trail does not support that plot. For that trail the country can thank Judicial Watch and Tom Fitton. Their FOIA lawsuit, Judicial Watch v. U.S. Department of State and FBI, No. 1:12-cv-00893, produced more than 1,600 pages, much of it previously classified. The files do not read like someone who slipped through a crack. They read like a man the government kept identifying and then waving through.

On February 4, 2002, an FBI employee ran him through a criminal-history database and got back a file that already labeled him a “terrorist organization member.” The alert told agents to approach with caution, not to tip him off, and to call the local field office. The next day the same man walked into an executive dining room at the Pentagon and spoke on “Islam and Middle Eastern Politics and Culture.”

This was not a post-9/11 panic file opened the week after the attacks. On June 15, 1999, more than two years before the hijackings, the special agent in charge in San Diego wrote the FBI Director asking to open a counterterrorism investigation on al-Aulaqi. Agents watched his house and the al-Ribat mosque where he preached. That is the start date. Everything after it is a choice.

The ticket file is the part most people never saw. On January 3, 2013, Judicial Watch released State Department records from the same lawsuit that included FBI paperwork dated September 27, 2001, sixteen days after the attacks, putting al-Aulaqi’s card next to tickets for Mohamed Atta, S. Suqami, and Al-Sheri on domestic flights. Tom Fitton said the dump left “little doubt that al-Aulaqi had something to do with 9/11 and violated the law,” then got lunch at the Pentagon and a “get out of jail free card.”

Judicial Watch said he bought the tickets. The pages are blacked out, and the Bureau would not confirm it. Four months after that September sheet, the Pentagon still put him at the head table.

The flights on that sheet were specific. Mohamed Atta, America West, August 13, 2001, Washington to Las Vegas to Miami. S. Suqami, Southwest, July 10, 2001, Fort Lauderdale to Orlando. Al-Sheri, National Airlines, August 1, 2001, San Francisco to Las Vegas to Miami. The same FOIA release said the cleric was uncooperative with agents working the 9/11 case and was already a focus of the monitoring. Other records in the suit described him as the spiritual adviser to two hijackers who had been in San Diego and later hit the Pentagon.

The lunch itself was not a hallway chat. Fox News obtained the internal Defense Department email that booked al-Aulaqi as part of post-9/11 outreach.

A DoD lawyer reserved an executive dining room for February 5 because that was the date he preferred. He was leaving town on the 11th. The proposed menu included pork. The lawyer who vetted him wrote that she had heard him speak in November and liked how he handled a hostile crowd. More than 70 people were copied on the invite, including senior Pentagon counsel. The email also noted that Nihad Awad of CAIR had “expressed interest in attending.”

The FBI was not guessing where he was that morning. Later releases showed the Bureau’s Special Surveillance Group, the unit used on terrorist and spy targets, followed al-Aulaqi to the building. The log is almost boring in its precision.

At 11:30 a.m. he boarded the Metro, Blue Line north, for the Pentagon. At noon, surveillance stopped at the entrance. Two unidentified women walked him in. The same team had been on him for months: class at George Washington University, a November 11, 2001 meeting at the Islamic Society of Baltimore, a November 15 appearance on NPR.

The vice file ran in parallel with the terror file. In a June 4, 2002 memo to Justice Department counsel James Baker, FBI Assistant Director Pasquale D’Amuro documented seven encounters with prostitutes in the Washington area between November 5, 2001, and February 4, 2002, the day before the Pentagon lunch. The Bureau tallied $2,320 and sought approval to prosecute al-Aulaqi. Surveillance notes added at least four more contacts in January 2002, the same window in which Defense lawyers were treating him as an outreach speaker.

Eight months after the lunch, he flew back into the country and should have been locked up. On October 10, 2002, customs at JFK flagged al-Aulaqi on an active passport-fraud warrant, a felony carrying up to 10 years. Agents held him. Then the warrant was described as “pulled back.” He was released that morning, continued toward Washington, and eventually went back to Yemen. Years later, an FBI official admitted the Bureau knew he was coming and that an agent had talked to a U.S. attorney about the warrant before the detention. The warrant was still live when they let him walk.

The missed chances did not stop in 2002. “Privacy Act Release Forms” from the U.S. Embassy in Sana’a, signed November 14, 2006 and July 2, 2007, show al-Aulaqi had been arrested again. The papers do not say how long he was held or why he was let go. On March 24, 2011, six months before the drone strike, State tried a ruse: tell him to appear in person in Sana’a for an “important letter.”

The letter was a passport revocation. The Secretary’s determination was that his activities abroad were “causing and/or likely to cause serious damage to the national security or the foreign policy of the United States.” The embassy was told not to inform him that the letter was a revocation.

This means the official story does not survive the Bureau’s own dates. That version says no one understood who this cleric was until he was preaching from Yemen. The file is older than that. Investigators asked to open a counterterrorism case on him in 1999. On a sheet dated September 27, 2001, they ran his card against hijacker flights.

Key dates from FBI records released in Judicial Watch v. U.S. Department of State and FBI, No. 1:12-cv-00893.

That sheet did not reach the public until January 3, 2013. They marked him a terrorist in a database on February 4, 2002. They watched him ride the Metro into the Pentagon on February 5, 2002. They had a prostitution case on paper that June. They had him in a holding room at JFK that October and sent him on his way.

In 2010 he was placed on the government’s capture-or-kill list, the first American added, and the Office of Legal Counsel concluded that targeting a U.S. citizen overseas was legal under domestic and international law. On September 30, 2011, a CIA drone fired missiles into a car in Jawf province and killed him.

The Judicial Watch files are about the decade the government already had him on paper and kept waving him through. The official story writes him in late. The file starts in 1999. The question is why, with the warning already on the screen, the Pentagon still set him a place at the table.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent says automatic enrollment is coming for Trump Accounts, the tax-advantaged investment accounts created for American children under the administration’s 2025 tax legislation.

Bessent told a Breitbart economic forum that more than seven million enrollments have already been recorded since the program’s formal launch in July and said a coming change could expand eligibility enrollment dramatically, while families would still need to activate accounts.

Under the program, qualifying children born during the covered period receive $1,000 in federal seed money, and families can add contributions through the Treasury-backed platform. The administration presents the accounts as a way to broaden long-term household participation in equity markets.

The policy is important because it frames social policy around asset ownership rather than only annual benefits or income transfers. Bessent noted that a large share of American households has no direct stake in the stock market and argues that children should begin adulthood with capital already accumulating.

This is how we make the next generation of American citizens financially literate. Connecting working- and middle-class families to long-term investment growth is how we curtail the out-of-control welfare state without instituting crippling cuts.

The program’s long-term significance will ultimately depend upon whether balances grow meaningfully, fees remain low, and families actually use the accounts over many years. So if the Republicans power and the Democrats win back the country, this policy could be torpedoed. This is one of the myriad reasons why Republicans winning in the midterms is of the utmost importance.

The Hyatt Regency McCormick Place, a Pritzker family hotel in Chicago with rooms listed at about $500 a night, hosted a Democratic Socialists of America panel on the group’s 2026 program, Workers Deserve More, on Friday. The conference has been held at this Hyatt every year since at least 2022.

Outside, UNITE HERE Local 1 hotel workers picketed in work uniforms. Signs read “No contract.”

The panel was part of Socialism 2026, a four-day conference organized by Haymarket Books at the same hotel. Organizers advertised thousands of attendees and more than 100 sessions, including discussions of Marxism.

The New York Post put attendance at more than 2,000. On-site standard tickets were $155. Rooms at the four-star hotel listed around $500 a night. DSA national co-chair Ashik Siddique and streamer Hasan Piker spoke Friday, the New York Post reported.

“Social democracy got as far as it did because there were people pushing for way more radical things with way more power in sectors of the economy and the workplaces, to show the threat of organized workers being willing to shut stuff down that blocks the profits of those capitalists,” Siddique said.

More than 7,000 union hotel workers at 46 Chicago hotels, including the Hyatt Regency McCormick Place, have been working without a contract since agreements expired Monday night, Sept. 1.

Local 1 has said workers could strike at any time. The union is seeking higher wages, health benefits, retirement security, protections for immigrant workers, and limits on workloads.

DSA’s slogan was “Workers Deserve More.” The workers at the hotel were outside, without a contract.

A 2025 Local 1 survey found that 1 in 8 Chicago hotel workers reported using a food pantry in the prior 12 months and that one-third lacked money to cover housing costs in that period.

Forbes estimated the Pritzker family’s fortune at $53.2 billion as of June 29, 2026, up from $41.6 billion on the magazine’s 2024 family ranking. Those figures are Forbes estimates. Company filings describe Pritzker family business interests as holding a majority of Hyatt’s common stock and about 89% of its voting power.

Thomas J. Pritzker served as Hyatt’s executive chairman until February 2026, when he stepped down after writing that he “exercised terrible judgment in maintaining contact” with Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell. He has not been charged.

A 2011 email he sent Epstein from Afghanistan, referring to a trip

“with Boys with Toys” and helicopters loaned by then-Gen. David Petraeus, drew wide and often harsh public reading after Justice Department file releases. The email does not define the phrase. Pritzker has not been charged in connection with it.

Workers Deserve More calls for a 32-hour workweek with no cut in pay, a living wage, paid family leave, universal health care, and, in the text’s own words, “building a new society from the ground up.”

In May 2026, New York’s Hotel and Gaming Trades Council and the Hotel Association of New York City reached an eight-year contract covering more than 27,000 workers at more than 200 hotels; nearly 250, in contemporaneous reporting.

Union officials said the deal raises wages by more than 50% over the term and puts housekeeper pay on a path above $100,000 a year by the early 2030s. Chicago talks remain unresolved.

On Friday, workers from an industry in which 1 in 8 have used a food pantry picketed the Hyatt while, inside, DSA presented Workers Deserve More.

Solidarity stopped at the lobby doors.

Self-described democratic socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders and progressive Rep. Greg Casar on September 3 announced the Ban Artificial Superintelligence Act, legislation to permanently ban the development and deployment of artificial “superintelligence.”

The measure would also pause advanced AI until a new Cabinet-level regulator writes the rules, and would threaten companies with a so-called “corporate death penalty” and individuals with up to 20 years in prison. The full text has not been released.

That goes well beyond the AI oversight path already taking shape inside the Trump White House, which includes voluntary pre-release federal reviews and talks about a government-supervised independent organization to conduct those reviews.

President Trump discussed that idea last month with Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg, as reported by Politico.

The Trump administration’s stated goal is to keep the United States ahead of China, not to freeze the field while Washington invents a new bureaucracy.

Private American companies have already poured enormous sums into advanced chips, computing, and frontier models; and this administration’s stated aim is to keep that lead, not freeze it.

Sanders is reaching for a familiar play from the Socialist playbook: take a frontier technology, declare the private sector too dangerous to be trusted, and hand power to a new federal agency.

The Ban Artificial Superintelligence Act would outlaw systems said to surpass human intelligence, threaten government overthrow, or resist shutdown commands; terms that are still fiercely contested even among researchers.

The office summary also covers systems that match human-level performance across a broad range of tasks, or that can easily be modified to get there; not only systems that already “surpass” humans.

Politico notes the obvious practical problems: defining “superintelligence,” getting ambitious legislation through a Congress that is barely in session, and the near-certain opposition of the labs whose models now drive their valuations.

Daniel Castro, president of the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation, slammed the proposal as “a profound mistake” that would benefit Beijing. “Advanced AI presents real questions that policymakers should continue to take seriously, but its benefits are already tangible, while many of the most dire risks remain speculative,” he said in a statement. “America should lead in advanced AI, not ban it.”

This is not Sanders’ first attempt to hit the brakes. He was the first member of Congress to call for a national moratorium on data-center construction, an idea later written into legislation with Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

The idea has since stirred bipartisan friction.

A few Republicans have called for a pause of their own. Texas stopped new data-center approvals until regulators can audit water and power demand; a question of the grid and finite resources, not a ban on intelligence itself.

Those are different fights. One is about siting, electricity, and water. The other is about telling American labs they may not keep building. Even the water argument is not as simple as “AI drinks the tap.”

That is a local water-and-siting problem, not a reason to outlaw the next model.

Newer facilities increasingly spare tap water. They use closed-loop cooling that recirculates the same water instead of evaporating it, air cooling, or reclaimed wastewater that never enters the drinking supply. Microsoft, Amazon, Oracle, and others have already built or announced systems that cut or eliminate ongoing potable-water draw for cooling.

Local audits of power and water still make sense. A nationwide freeze on the machines that run American AI does not.

Sanders wanted the government to take ownership of the labs. Trump’s position is the opposite of socialism: let American companies keep building, keep the lead over China, and let the gains show up in growth — not in a new federal claim on the firms.

A pause that applies only to the United States while China keeps training is not a global strategy. It is the U.S. giving up the field by itself.

Artificial intelligence is already giving all people of all walks of life learning tools, productivity, and options that did not exist a generation ago. Innovation has raised living standards for 250 years in this country because inventors were allowed to build.

A ban that tries to time-stamp American capability does the opposite. Socialism’s habit is to pull power from builders and park it in government. This bill is that habit applied to the most important technology of the decade.

Why stop it here? Why hand China the opening?

The United States has set the technical standard for a reason. Sanders’ proposal would not civilize AI. It would slow the country that still has the best chance to set the standard.

Twenty years in prison for building advanced software is a preposterous penalty, and it is one reason this bill should not be treated as a serious governing document.

GovTrack lists Sanders as the primary sponsor of eight measures that became law across his House and Senate career. Several of those were post-office namings and other narrow, non-lifechanging items. He has introduced more than 500 bills.  Almost none of his headline proposals became law as written.

This is another case of taxpayer money, staff time, and political theatre on a measure that will not pass. That record sits on 35 years of federal lawmaking, 16 in the House and nearly 20 in the Senate, and more than four decades in elected office if his eight years as mayor of Burlington are counted.

President Donald J. Trump on Thursday celebrated Micron’s plan to spend $10 billion on new research laboratories in the United States, another win for American policy pulling advanced technology back home.

Memory has become the bottleneck that feeds AI machines. Without enough of it, even the fastest computers sit idle. That is why we must keep both research and production on American soil.

Industry and university leaders backed the plan on day one.

Micron, the only American memory manufacturer, unveiled the labs in Boise, Idaho, on August 20.

This pledge is separate from more than $250 billion the company has already committed to American factories and development through 2035. That factory program is projected to support 90,000 jobs.

The company plans to spend about $1 billion a year over the next decade on memory research. The Boise campus is the first dedicated memory research hub of its kind in the United States.

The network will connect existing Micron research sites in the United States, Europe, Japan, India, Singapore, and Taiwan. Researchers will study new memory types, memory-compute integration, packaging, and future factory design.

The $10 billion add-on is meant to pay for the flagship Boise campus, university work, smaller sites elsewhere, and industry partnerships. Over the past year, Micron spent about $4.8 billion on research and development.

In Boise, the first new factory, ID1, is targeted for first wafers in mid-2027, the same year the research campus is slated to break ground. ID2 is due in late 2028. Design and production will sit next to each other so a new architecture can leave the bench and enter the line without leaving the country.

The announcement drew immediate public backing from NVIDIA founder Jensen Huang and Apple CEO Tim Cook, and others.

Micron CEO Sanjay Mehrotra said America’s AI future “will be built on American-made memory.” The company is building U.S. factories and a Boise research campus as Washington pushes memory production home.

Under President Trump’s policies, companies have announced large new commitments to U.S. plants, chips, and infrastructure. The Trump administration has taken charge on critical technologies, aiming to rebuild semiconductor capacity and bring manufacturing back to the United States.

This adds to the White House’s July 2026 report Science: A New Golden Age, which argues America must rebuild how it funds discovery and manufacture if it wants to lead the next century. The report rests on four pillars:

• Revitalize the enterprise — Shift money toward individual scientists rather than “legacy institutions,” add faster and longer grants, give reviewers “golden tickets” to fund unconventional ideas that panels would kill, stand up agile X-Labs and expanded ARPA-style outfits, and create metascience units so agencies treat grantmaking as a skill they can improve.
• National missions — Concentrate resources on a short list of hard, time-bound goals: the Genesis Mission (AI to double research productivity), QC-ADDS quantum systems, commercial fusion by the mid-2030s, crewed lunar return and a lunar base, and next-generation semiconductors.
• AI-native science — Scale Genesis as the flagship, build domain-specific foundation models and high-value datasets, fund autonomous facilities and verification infrastructure, and begin converting institutions so they can actually use machine-augmented discovery instead of treating AI as an add-on.
• Benefits for all Americans — Tie STEM to apprenticeships and the skilled trades, open research careers to people outside the traditional academic pipeline, and grow regional clusters that connect discovery to manufacturing so the economic returns are not confined to a handful of coastal universities.

Memory is no longer a commodity America can afford to import. It is the substrate of every AI system that matters. Micron’s $10 billion research commitment, stacked on more than $250 billion already pledged to U.S. factories through 2035, is what follow-through looks like when policy stops treating advanced manufacturing as optional. Design will sit next to the fabs. The work will not leave the country to become someone else’s production.

That is the art of the deal applied to a strategic industry. Change the terms until the only American memory manufacturer has more reason to build here than anywhere else. Put the factories and the research campus on the same ground so a new architecture does not have to leave the country to become a product. Pull the public backing of Jensen Huang and Tim Cook on day one because the supply chain they need is finally being rebuilt on American soil. Ten billion dollars is not a press release. It is the other side signing.

We are in the New Golden Age under the Trump administration.